TwgaH’mo: Why and why now?
By Saleh AA Younis
July 7, 2000
(published at asmarino.com under a column entitled “Once Upon A Dawn”)
Like many Eritreans, I grew up in an extended family that included siblings, cousins and grandparents. Whether I know it or not, all of them, I am sure, have left their indelible impressions on me; none more so than my grandfather, Ahmed Younis.
My grandfather, Allah yerHamu (RIP), was a grand man. Born and raised in Keren, he spoke in a peculiar “tigre-ized tigrigna”–not exceptional for people who grew up in the multi-ethnic hotbed known as Keren–but a head-turner in my hometown of Asmara. One of his favorite expressions was: “twgaHmo” which, loosely translated, means, “wait until dawn.” This word, always uttered in a threatening mood, was lavished on family members who, he felt, were out of line and needed some blunt talk. But the time–night time, sometimes, curfew time–was never right. The one-word threat implied that the chastising would come at dawn. Just wait until it dawns. Then, you’ll see. TwgaHmo.
I was reminded of this expression early on when the Eritrea-Ethiopia conflict broke out. There were so many things I wanted to rail against my government beginning with: Why were Badme Town and Environs-indispensable parts of Eritrea and one of the most recognized features of the Eritrean map-not part of Eritrea at independence? Other questions followed: Why was Ethiopia allowed to administer them? Who made that decision? What is the decision-making process in Eritrea? Why does our government-which continues to speak on our behalf–not consult with us or our elective representatives? What elective representatives? Where is transparency? Where is accountability?
I deferred all these questions under the theory of the sometimes maligned ‘twgaHmo’: whatever our government did or did not do, whatever the questions I have can wait because Eritrea faces a much bigger threat-one directed at its very existence. I believed this as early as June 1998 when the Ethiopians bombed Asmara. I knew enough about the TPLF history to know that in their world-view, any confrontation is one of eat or be eaten. Any acronym that argued with them, they have obliterated without a blink: TLF, EPRP, EDU, OLF, Somalian rebels, etc are now all gone in everything but name. The TPLF has designs to extinguish the Eritrean Freedom Light and reign in an era of pitch darkeness. I have no doubt in my mind that the TPLF won’t rest until it virtually eliminates the EPLF. In the process, if Eritrea is destroyed, so be it.
If that is the case, why am I venturing out into twGahmo? Because I believe the rules of engagement have fundamentally changed. I believe that the future battles will be diplomatic and political. They will deal with Ethiopian attempts to marginalize the EPLF into an organization that is unrepresentative of the Eritrean people; they will deal with attempts to fragment the nation; they will deal with attempts to cut Eritrea down to size so that Eritrea will be, like all the acronyms that challenged the TPLF, an entity in name only.
More importantly, even if the TPLF were to disappear tomorrow (God willing), there are still fundamental changes the Eritrean Government has to undertake to ensure that every Eritrean feels that Eritrea is worth fighting for. This begins by recognizing that Eritrea means different things to different people. To some, Eritrea as a distinct geographic entity and people is enough to fight for. To some, an Eritrea without due process and justice, is not Eritrea and thus not worth fighting for. An Eritrea without democracy, an Eritrea without an accountable government is not worth standing up for. An Eritrea without freedom of expression, an Eritrea without full freedom of assembly and worship, is not an Eritrea worth safeguarding. An Eritrea without the rule of law is not Eritrea. And to some, any organization that claims it can bring this about is a better alternative than the Eritrean Government.
EPLF/PFDJ is all Eritrean but all Eritreans are not EPLF/PFDJ. The dissenters to the way and manner in which the PFDJ is governing the nation are not a handful of individuals; they are not all traitors and they are not all misguided. It is perfectly reasonable–and to be expected–that people would have a difference of opinion on how the society is organized, how the economy if managed, how justice is administered, how political tolerance is tolerated. Even when faced with one single enemy–the Haile Selassie and Derg regimes–Eritreans disagreed on who and how should lead the struggle. Why should we not disagree on how to govern this free nation that was liberated after huge sacrifice?
The reality now is this: organized Ethiopian looters are in Eritrean territory and we are negotiating on how to get them out. Nearly one third of our population is displaced. Drought looms and the land is not harvested. Thousands of Eritrean mothers await news from or about their children. Our land is bloodied and our economy is in ruins. Under these circumstances, it is perfectly normal and acceptable to ask tough questions: who is responsible? Could this tragedy have been avoided? Could this war have had a different outcome? It is natural to have pundits and analysts (sound and bogus), spiritualists and physicians (healers and quacks) to present their remedy on what went wrong and what we should do next.
What is unacceptable is to try to bring about change violently. We should tell external pressure groups and agitators for change that Eritrea has bled enough. We should have a pact that we will reject any solution if it comes violently. Talk to us, convince us why your way is better but don’t try to force yourself to the seat of power violently. What is also unacceptable is to, without due process, no justice and no transparency–to designate a fall-guy (or fall guys) and disappear/jail him (or them.) We should tell our government that this is unacceptable practice and the world and we are watching.
The Eritrean Government has a huge political capital that is the envy of much political organization: it has a wealth of good will from many Eritreans. It can squander this or build on it. It can go on pretending that its power base is all of Eritrea or it can try to win those who are sitting it out.
Eritrea is my extended family. Over the next few weeks, I will give my opinion what we as a family need to do to heal, to reach out and to build a State that is worth fighting for by all segments of our diverse society. I hope this will be a dialogue; I hope people will write to tell me how and why I am wrong. Because I want this dialogue to include as many Eritreans as possible-many of whom are the silent and voiceless Eritreans or those who have “dropped out” either due to apathy or as a sign of protest–this series will also be featured in a new website currently under construction.
We will talk again.
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