That both festivals – the first of their kind – had taken place in 2018 was no small feat. For these festivals to take place in the heels of the major peace event between Eritrea and Ethiopia, however, is a stroke of luck for the public to push both the opposition political blocks and the civil societies to rise to the occasion and deliver the goods. The public was in no mood for politics as usual. They want to see action. They want to see a strategic plan with a blueprint to boot. As sheer coincidences would have it eight Eritrean intellectuals* were there to offer some such blueprint for the taking – No condition. No interest in assuming power. Willing to incorporate any other ideas to make the document, not only as robust as possible, but also one where this road map could become a rallying cry for the mass movement that Eritreans are ready and willing to support. Simply put, these eight individuals are a think-tank who devoted their time, energy, and knowledge so majority of Eritreans can work under some common principles to achieve the direly needed change in the homeland. This observational piece will mainly focus on the produced blueprint, which is now available in three languages, namely Tigrinya, Arabic, and English. Using Denver and Atlanta as sites of contention, “a discursive space”, if you will, will provide a portrait of the dialogue that ensued.
A Discursive Space
A discursive space in the context of the subject at hand is premised on the notions of sociocultural and linguistic theory that homes-in-on recurring episodes. The face-to-face engagement calls attention to these recurring themes and tries to highlight the direction of the discourse through thematic episodes. In the case of the Denver and Atlanta festivals, a sociopolitical space can be added and the use of the blue-print document is one episodic example that will have social, cultural, and political subtext to the mass movement where the public is driving the discourse. The civil societies and political opposition groups can become the conduit via which these people-centered mass movements are made realizable.
Engaged Public is Empowered Public
What was fascinating to this observer is the fact that the audience was not only assertive but unwilling to settle for business-as-usual or to the reversion of the status quo ante, if you will. Hence, discussions were tense, where the organized groups wishing to operate as they have been for the past 18 years while the audience wanted the organized groups to adapt the road map. The triangulation of the discourse appears to rest at the seams, where the empowered public demanded, in the case of the Atlanta festival, that two representatives of the blue-print were given extra time to answer some more questions, elaborate further on the road map. This was one shining example in what could happen when the public is empowered and engaged. The kind of dynamic discourse that the Atlanta festival proffered; the kind that could conceivably work in offering an integrative and principled strategies of resistance that majority of Eritreans can use as a launching pad to elevate the discourse and achieve the needed change through social and political justice was clearly in the offing.
The fluidity and the breathtaking speed by which the peace process between Eritrea and Ethiopia that the Eritrean public was made to observe has created this unprecedented empowering public discussion of counterpoise, counteract, pivot, and paradigmatic change of a perspective that the civil societies and the political opposition groups appear to have not been ready to embrace. This is the reason why the blue-print (the road map) had gotten the kind of enthusiastic attention that it did.
The Blue Print and/or the Road Map
One of the key elements to staying relevant in civil and political discourse rests in the ability of those who are engaged in it to be keenly aware where the mood of the public is when major events of monumental import take place. Once aware the leaders cannot remain behind the public and expect to lead from behind. They must quickly adjust not only their tone and rhetoric but also come up with a road map that clearly shows they can lead from the front. What the eight Eritreans offered was nothing short of that. For the most part, the document they produced is the Universal Human Rights Declaration that the UN issued in 1948. As Dr. Selah Nur and Mr. Sengal Woldetensae explicated in the Atlanta Festival is that they customized it to fit to the Eritrean context by adding five principles so it can be used by any Eritrean activists who wish to advance the cause of social and political justice.
The other critical element to these eight individuals worth mentioning here is that they have no interest in assuming political or civil leadership based on the road map. In fact, they have varying interest in political organizations, in civil societies, in many other community related activities. What brought them together is the shared interest they have for Eritrea, the country, and for the good will toward the Eritrean people who continue to see an unprecedented suffering. These are accomplished individuals in their respective field of endeavors. They don’t need Eritrea to survive. Eritrea, however, needs exemplary Eritrean professionals like these eight individuals who put the interest of Eritrea and its people ahead of their own interest.
Granted, many other skilled Eritreans will find some points to add here and points that can be rephrased, points to be molded, adjusted, amended in the road map. And that’s precisely why I am choosing to share these documents with various social media outlets, the first of which, of course, is my home-turf, awate. The Tigrinya and Arabic translations will follow in due course, of course. In other words, attending the Atlanta Festival the weekend of August 3-5 gave me optimism, albeit guarded one, that finally Eritreans are overcoming their suspicions of one another’s motives; the festival has had characteristics that any discursive space would have, namely elements of resistance, frustrations, heated arguments, layered, at times, in blunt language and at other times in nuanced ways. In the end, however, what invariably prevails tends to be what an engaged public wanted. In my estimate, the latter was exactly what occurred in Atlanta as a spectacle of contention. Sites of contention tend to be the source of where new way of looking at issues begin to emerge, and emerging they have. What needs to happen now is for these eight individuals to expand their work with an eye toward Europe, another site of contention, a site of demonstration in Geneva, which is slated to take place at the end of this month.
From a discursive space standpoint, certainly, the Atlanta festival is an extension of the Denver festival. The Europe festival can now become an extension of these two festivals. The blue print or the road map as its episodic event can tie them all to become one robust Eritrean mass movement that will ostensibly reverberate in the homeland.
beyan.negash@gmail.com
P.S. As an outsider looking in, there was one powerful subtext from the audience that I am compelled to mention that pushed the conversation onward to a positive direction. Of course, I am cognizant of the fact that a discourse of the sort I described above materializes because of give and take from all involved, but there was one constant theme, one who was intensely focused individual who pushed the discourse, namely Kibrom “Santim,” forward. My hats off to him irrespective of his aggressive stance, he was not only on point on all the interventions he made in the middle of the conversation, but was also forward looking. This is my small way of saying may the likes of Kibrom speak more and more in some such public arenas.
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ፈስቲቫል ኤርትራ 2018 ኣብ ዯንቨርን ኣብ ኣትላንታን
እዞም ብዓይነቶም ናይ መ መሪያ ዝኾኑ ናይ ዯንቨርን ናይ ኣትላንታን ፈስቲቫላት፡ ኣብ 2018 ዓ.ም. ምክያዶም ንባዕሉ ንእሽተይ ጅግንነታዊ ስራሕ/ዓወት ኣይነበረን። እርጊ እግሪ እቲ ኣብ መንጎ ኤርትራን
ኢትዮጵያን ዝካየድ ዘሎ ናይ ሰላም ኣገዲሲ ምዕባሌ ምክያዶም’ውን ከም ጽቡቕ ኣጋጣሚ ኮይኑ፡ ህዝቢ ንፖለቲካዊ ውድባትን ንስቪካዊ ማሕበራትን ነቲ ተፈጢሩ ዘሎ ኩነታት ተጠቒመን ኣድማዕን
ውጺኢታውን ስራሓት ንኽሰርሓ ድፍኢት ንኽገብር ዘኽኣሎ ኣጋጣሚ ኢዩ ነይሩ ክባሃል ይካኣል ኢዩ። እቲ ተሳታፋይ ህዝቢ፡ ንፖለቲካ ከም ቀዯሙ (politics as usual) ዝዓይነቱ ኣካይዲ ዝኸውን መንፈስ ኣይነበሮን። ተግባር ጥራሕ ክርኢ ኢዩ ዝዯሊ ዝነበረ። ህዝቢ ክጓዓዘሉን ክዓስለሉን ዝኽእል ስእላዊ ማሕተም (blueprint) ዝሓዘ ስትራተጂካዊ መዯብ (strategic plan) ክርኢ ኢዩ ዝጽበ ዝነበረ። ከም ፍጹም ኣጋጣሚ ዕድል ግዱ ኮይኑ፡ ብ8 ኤርትራውያን ምሁራት (ኪኢላታት) ተዲልዩ፡ ብዘይ ቅድመ-ኩነት ንህዝቢ ጠቕሚ ንኽውዕል፡ እቲ ህዝቢ ዝጽበዮ ዝነበረ መዯብ ዝሓዘ ጽሑፍ ኣብቲ ፈስቲቫል ቀሪቡ ነይሩ። እቶም ነቲ ጽሑፍ ዘዲለዉ ምሁራት፡ ስልጣን ናይ ምሓዝ ባህጊ/ድሌት የብሎምን። እቲ ጽሑፍ፡ ዝውሰኽ ጠቃሚ ሓሳባት ተወሲኽዎን ዘይጠቅሙ ዝተባህሉ ሓሳባት ጎዱልዎን፡ ንኽምዕብል ጥራሕ ዘይኮነስ፡ ህዝባዊ ምንቅስቓሳት ዝዓስልሉ መራሕ ካርታ (road map) ኮይኑ ድልውነትን ዯገፍን ኤርትራውያን መታን ከረጋግጽ፡ ብህዝቢ ምምሕያሽ ክግበረሉ ኢሎም ኢዮም ናብ ህዝቢ ኣቕሪቦሞ።
ብቐሊል ኣገላልጻ፡
እዞም 8 ወልቀ-ሰባት ከም ሓዯ ሓሳብ ዘመንጩ ጉጅለ (think-tank) ኮይኖም፡ ጊዚኦም፣ ጉልበቶምን ፍልጠቶምን ብምውፋይ፡ ኤርትራውያን ኣብ ትሕቲ መሰረታውያን መትከላት ተጥሪኒፎም ናይ ሓባር ቃልሲ ብምክያድ፡ ነቲ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዝድለ ዘሎ ቅጽበታዊ ለውጢ ነኸረጋግጹ ዘኽእሎም ባይታ ንምጥጣሕ ኢዮም ዝሰርሑ ዘለዉ። እዛ ናይ ትዕዝብተይ ጽሕፍቲ፡ ብቀንደ ብዛዕባ እቲ ድሮ ብቛንቛታት ትግርኛ፣ ዓረበኛን እንግሊዘኛን ተዲልዩ ዘሎ ንድፊ (blueprint) ዘተኾረ ኢዩ ክኸውን። ዯንቨርን ኣትላንታን ከም ናይ ክርክር መዯበራት/ቦታታት (sites of contention)፡ እንተትዯልየ’ውን “ናይ ህውተታ/ዕንኪላሎ ቦታ” (discursive space) ክባሃል ይካኣል፡ ምጥቃም ናይቲ ዝሳዓበ ዝርርብ/ዘተ ስእሊ ክህበና ይኽእል ኢዩ።
ናይ ህውተታ/ዕንኪላሎ ቦታ
ብመንጽር እዚ ሒዝናዮ ዘለና ዛዕባ፡ እዚ ናይ ህውተታ/ዕንኪላሎ ቦታ ዝብል ኣምር፡ ኣብቲ፡ ኣብ ነናሻብ ዝዯጋጋሙ ፍጻሜታት ኣትክሮ ዝገብር ናይ ማሕበረ-ባህላውን ቛንቛውን ክለሳ-ሓስብ፡ መሰረት ዝገብረ ኢዩ። ገጽ ንገጽ ዝግበሩ ዝርርባት ነዞም ዝዯገጋሙ ቴማታት ኣስተብህሎ ምግባርን፡ ነቶም ዝዯጋገሙ ቴማታት ብምጥቃም መገዱ ግዕዞ እቲ ምይይጥ ምንጻርን ዝሓትት ጉዲይ ኢዩ። ነዞም ናይ ዯንቨርን ናይ ኣትላንታን ፈስቲቫላት እንተወሰድና፡ ማሕበረ-ፖለቲካዊ ቦታ ክውሰኾም ይካኣልን፡ ምጥቃም እቲ ዝቐረበ ንድፊ ሰነድ፡ እቶም ህዝባዊ መንቅስቓሳት፡ ማሕበረዊ፣ ባህላውን ፖለቲካውን ሰረታት ሃልይዎም፡ ህዝቢ ዝድርኾ ምይይጥ ንኽህሉ ዘኽእልን ሓዯ ኣብነታዊ ፍጻሜ ኢዩ ነይሩ። እዚ ህዝቢ ማእከል ዝገበረ ህዝባዊ መቅስቓሳት በተን ሲቪካውያን ማሕበራትን ፖለቲካውያም ውድባትን ኣብ ባይታ ብግብሪ ክውን ክኸውን ይካኣል።
ተሳትፍኡ ዘዕዘዘ ህዝቢ፡ ዓቕሙ ዘኻዕበተ ህዝቢ ኢዩ ዝኸውን
ከም ታዓዛባይ ዝመሰጠኒ ነገር፡ እቲ ተሳታፋይ ህዝቢ ጻዓዱ ነይሩ ጥራሕ ዘይኮነስ፡ “ጉዲያት ከም ኩሉ ጊዜ” ንኽቕበልን ወይ’ውን ናብቲ ናይ ትማሊ ዯውታ ንኽምለስን ፍቓዯኛ’ውን ዘይምንባሩ ኢዩ። ስለዝኾነ፡ በቲ ሓዯ ሸነኽ፡ እቶም ውደባት ሓይልታት ከምቲ ን18 ዓመታት ክገብርዎ ዝጸንሑ እንዲገበሩ ክቕጽሉ ይዯልዩ ስለዝነበሩን፡ በቲ ካለልእ ሸንኽ ካኣ፡ እቲ ተሳታፋይ ህዝቢ፡ ነቲ ዝቐረበ ንድፊ ሰነድ ከም መራሕ ካርታ ተቐቢሉ ኣጽዱቑ ክጥቀመሉ ይዯሊ ስለዝነበረን፡ እቶም ምይይጣት ወጥሪ ዝመልኦም ኢዮም ነይሮም። ትሕዝቶን መቐረትን ናይቲ ዝርርብ ንምዕቃን፡ ኣብተን መላጋግቦታት እንታይ ይግበር ነይሩ ምርኣይ የድሊ። ንኣብነት፡ ኣብ ናይ ኣትላንታ ፈስቲቫል፡ ብሓይልን ጻዓድን ጠለባት እቲ ተሳታፋይ ህዝቢ፡ እቶም ነቲ ንድፊ ሰንድ ዘቕረቡ ክልተ ወከልቲ፡ ዝያዲ ሕቶታት ክምልሱን ነቲ ዘቅረብዎ መራሕ ካርታ ዝያዲ መብሪሂ ክህብሉን ተወሳኪ ጊዜ ከምዝዋሃቦም ተገይሩ። እዚ፡ ተሳትፍኡ ዘሐየለን ዓቕሙ ዘኻዕበተን ህዝቢ እንታይ ክገብር ከምዝኽእል ዘርእየና ሓዯ ርኡይ ኣብነት ኢዩ። ከምዚ ናይ ኣትላንታ ፈስቲቫል ዝሃበና ዲይናሚካዊ ዝኾነ ዝርርብ፡ ዝተዋሃሃዯን መትከላውን ናይ ምቅዋም ስትራተጅን ብምፍጣር፡ መብዛሕትኦም ኤርትራውያን ከም መንጠሪ ባይታ ተጠቂሞም ነቲ ዝርርብ ብምሕያል፡ ነቲ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዝድለ ዘሎ ናይ ማሕበራውን ፖለቲካውን ፍትሒ ለውጢ ከምጽእ ዘኽእል ባይታ ይፍጠር ከምዘሎ ዝሕብር ኢዩ ነይሩ።
እቲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝዕዘቦ ዘሎ ኣዝዩ ታኣፋፍን ብዘገርም ፍጥነት ዝጓዓዝ ዘሎን፡ ኣብ መንጎ ኤርትራንኢትዮጵያን ዝግበረ ዘሎ መስርሕ ሰላም ዝፈጠሮ፡ ቅድሚ ሕጂ ዘይነበረ ናይ ህዝቢ ሓያል ተሳትፎታት ኣብ ዝርርብ ሓያል ኣንጻራዊ ሓይሊ ኣብ ምፍጣር፣ ምድካም ጸላኢ፣ መቐልስ ምግባርን ኣብ ኣጠማምታ ጉዲያት ነጥበ-መቐይሮ ዘከተለን፡ ሲቪካዊ ማሕበራትን ፖለቲካዊ ውድባትን ክቅበልዎን ክርዕምዎን ዘይተዲለዉሉ ህሞት ኢዩ ነይሩ። ስለዝኾነ ኢዩ’ውን፡ እቲ ዝቐረበ ንድፊ ሰነድ (መራሕ ካራታ) ኣዝዩ ልዐልን ውዕውዕን ዝኾነ ናይ ተሳተፍቲ ተቐባልነት ዝረኸበ።
እቲ ንድፊ ሰነድ(ን/ወይ) መራሕ ካርታ(ን)
ንኣብ ሲቪካውን ፖለቲካውን ሂወት ሕብረተሰብ ዝነጥፉ ኣካላት፡ ኣብ ዝግበሩ ሲቪካውን ፖለቲካውን ዝርርባት ኣገዯስቲ ኮይኖም ክቕጽሉ ዘኽእሎም ሓዯ ኣገዲሲ ረቛሒ፡ ኣብ ጊዜ ግዙፍ ስምብራታት ዘለዎም ዓበይቲ ፍጻሜታት ክፍጠሩ ከልዉ፡ ናይ ሰፊሕ ህዝቢ ሃምን ቀልብን ኣበይ ከምዘሎ ብትኩርነት ምግንዛብ ምኽኣል ኢዩ። ሓንሳብ ግንዛቤ ምስረኸቡ፡ መራሕቲ ብድሕሪ ህዝቢ ኮይኖም ካብ ድሕሪት ክመርሑ ትጽቢ ክገብሩ ኣይክእሉን ኢዮም። ብቑልጡፍ ቃነኦምን ጧቃ መዯረኦምን ምስትኽኻል ጥራሕ ዘይኮነስ፡ ካብ ቅድሚት ኮይኖም ክመርሑ ከምዝኽእሉ ብግልጺ ዘርኢ መራሕ ካራታ ከቕርቡ’ውን ኣለዎም። እቲ እቶም 8 ኤርትራውያን ምሁራት ዘቕረብዎ ንድፊ ሰነድ፡ ንሱ ኢዩ ነይሩ ካብ ምባል ሓሊፍካ ካልእ ክባሃል ኣይካኣልን ኢዩ። ዝበዝሐ ክፋላት ናይት ሰነድ፡ እቲ ኣብ 1948 ዝጸዯቀ “ኣድማሳዊ መሰላት ዯቂ ሰባት” ብዝባሃል ሽም ዝፍለጥ ናይ ሕቡራት ሃገራት ሰነድ፡ ንክውንነት ኤርትራ ንምንጽብራቕ፡ 5 መሰረታውያን መትከላት ተውስኽዎ ዝተዲለወ ኮይኑ፡ ዝኾነ ማሕበራውን ፖለቲካውን ፍትሒ ኣብ ኤርትራ ንክረጋገጽ ዝቃለስ ኣካል ክጥቀመሉ ከምዝኸል፡ ዶ/ር ሳልሕ ኑርን ሓው ሰንጋል ወልዯንሰኤን ኣብዝሃብዎ መግለጺ ሓቢሮም።
እቲ ካልእ ኣብዚ ከይተጠቕሰ ክሕለፍ ዘይብሉን፡ ነቶም 8 ወልቀ-ሰባት ኣገዲሲ ረቛሒ ዝኾነን፡ ብመሰረት እቲ ዘዲለውዎ መራሕ ካርታ፡ እዞም ሰባት ናይ ዝኾነ ይኹን ሲቪካውን ፖለቲካውን መሪሕነት/ስልጣን ባሕጊ ይኹን ድሌት ከምዘይብሎም ምዃኑ ኢዩ። ብግዯ ሓቂ እንተኾይኑ፡ ኣብ ፖለቲካውያን ውደባት፣ ሲቪካውያን ማሕበራትን ኣብ ብዙሓት ናይ ማሕበረ-ኮማት ንጥፈታትን፡ ዝተፈላለየ ድሌታት ኢዩ ዘለዎም። እቲ ብሓዯ ንኽሰርሑ ዝገበሮም ምኽንያት፡ እቲ ዘለዎም ሓባራዊ ድሌት ኣብ ሃገረ ኤርትራን ነቲ ኣብ መዲርግቲ ዘይርከቦ ዝቓይ ዝርከብ ዘሎ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዘለዎም ሓባራዊ ጽቡቕ ድሌትን ኢዩ። እዞም ምሁራት ኤርትራውያን፡ ኣብ ዘዝነጥፍሉ ዓውዯ-ስራሓት፡ ኣዝዮም ዕውታት ኢዮም። ንኽነብሩ ኤርትራ ኣይተድልዮምን ኢያ። ብኣንጻሩ፡ ረብሓ ሃገሮምን ህዝቦም ቅድሚ ውልቃዊ ረብሐኦም ዝሰርዐ፡ ከምዞም 8 ኣብነታውያን ኤርትራውያን ኪኢላታት ዝኣመሰሉ፡ ኤርትራ ኢያ ትዯልዮም። እቲ ዝቐረብ መራሕ ካርታ፡ ብብዙሓት ኪኢላታት ኤርትራውያን ዝውሰኹ ጠቀምቲ ነጥብታት፣ ዝማሓይሹ ሓረጋት፣ ዝመዓራረዩን ዝስተኻከሉን ነጥብታት ተገይርሉ ከምዝማሓየሽ እምነተይ ኢዩ። ከምኡ ስለዝኾነ’ውን ኢየ፡ ነቲ ንድፊ ሰነድ ብብዙሓት ናይ ማሕበራዊ መድያ፡ ብቐንደ ካኣ በታ ናተይ ዝብላ ዶት ኮም፡ ኣቢለ ክዝርግሖ ዝውስን ዘለኹ። ብካልእ ኣዛራርባ፡ ኣብዚ ኣብ ኣትላንታ ኣብ ነሓሰ 3-4 2018 ዓ.ም. ዝተኻየዯ ፈስቲቫል ኤርትራ ምስታፈይ፡ ዋላኳ ዕቃበ ይሃልወኒ፡ ኣብ መጨረሻ ኤርትራውያን ዝነበረና ሕድሕዲዊ ምጥርጣራት ሰጊርናዮ ኢና ዝብል ተስፋ የሕዱረ ኣለኹ። እቲ ፈስቲቫል፡ ዝኾነ ናይ ህወተታ/ዕንኪላሎ ቦታ ዝህልዎ ባህርያት፡ ማለት: ሓዯ ሓዯ ጊዜ ብዯርቕ ቛንቛ (ዝድርጓሕ) ሓዯ ሓዯ ጊዜ ካኣ ብልዙብ ቛንቛ ዝውርወሩ ናይ ተቓውሞ፣ ናይ ብስጭትን ተስፋ ምቑራጽን ናይ ርሱን ክትዓትን ቃላታት ነይሮም ኢዮም። ኣብ መወዲእታ ግን፡ እቲ ኣብ ጉዲዩ ሓላፍነት ወሲደ ዝነበረ ተሳታፋይ ህዝቢ ዝዯልዮ ዝነበረ ሓሳብ ኢዩ ተዓዊቱ። ብናተይ ግምት፡ ኣብ ኣትላንታ፡ እቲ ናይ ክርክር ምርኢት ብዓወት እቲ ተሳታፋይ ህዝቢ ኢዩ ተዛዚሙ። ናይ ክርክር መዯበራት ምንጪ ሓደሽ ሓሳባትን ኣጠማምታት ኣብ ጉዲይትን ምቕልቃል ዝጅመረሎም ኢዮም፤ ኣብ ኣትላንታ ካኣ ከምኡ ኢዩ ኮይኑ። ሕጂ ክኸውን ዘሎዎ፡ እዞም 8 ውልቀ-ሰባት ስርሖም ንምስፋሕ፡ ነቲ ኣብ መወዲእታ ነሓሰ ክግበር ተሓሲቡ ዘሎ ናይ ነቫ ሰላማዊ ሰልፊ ኣትክሮ ዝገበረ፡ ናብ ኣውሮጳ ገጾም ቁሊሕ ብምባል ካልእ ናይ ክርክር መዯበር ከምዝፍጠር ምግባር ኢዩ። ብመንጽር ናይ ህውተታ/ዕንኪላሎ ቦታ ክረአ ከሎ፡ ፈስቲቫል ኣትላንታ መቀጸልታ ፈስቲቫል ዯንቨር ኢዩ። ሕጂ፡ ናይ ኣውሮጳ ፈስቲቫል ናይዞም ክልተ ፈስቲቫላት መቀጸልታ ክኸውን ይኽእል ኢዩ። እቲ ንድፊ ስነድ ወይ’ውን እቲ መራሕ ካርታ ከም ናይ ፍጻሜ ኣጋጣሚ ብምዃን፡ ኩሎም ፈስቲቫላት ኣብ ሓዯ ተጠሚሮም፡ ናህሩ ናብ መላእ ኤርትራ ክዘሩቕ ዝክእል፡ ሓዯ ህጡር ኤሪትራዊ ህዝባዊ ምንቅስቓስ ክኾኑ
ይኽእሉ።
ድሕረ ጽሑፍ፡
ከም ኣብ ወሰን (ወጻኢ) ኮይነ ንውሽጢ ዝዕዘብ ዝነበርኩ፡ ክጠቅሶ ዝግዯድ፡ ነቲ ዝርርብ ንቕድሚት ናብ ኣወንታዊ መዯምዯምታ ዘድፍኦ፡ ካብ ውሽጢ ተስተፍይ ዝብገስ ሓዯ ንጹርን ሓያልን ዝኾነ ቴማ ነይሩ። ከምዚ ኣብ ላዕሊ ዝገለጽክዎ ዓይነት ምይይጥ፡ ካብ ኩሎም ተሳተፍቲ ብእንካን ሃባን ዝምዕብልን ዝጽዕን ምዃኑ ዝርዲእ እዃ እንተኾንኩ፡ ብሓዯ ካብ መጠን ንላዕሊ ትኩር ዝኾነ፡ ብክብሮም “ሳንቲም” ዝብል ሽም ዝፍለጥ ተሳታፋይ ዝቐርብ ዝነበረ ቀጻሊ ቴማ፡ ነቲ ምይይጥ ንቕድሚት ዯፊእዎ ኢዩ። “ቖቢዏይ ብምልዓል፡ ክብረት ይሃበለይ ክብሎ ይዯሊ”። ንሁር ኣቃራርብኡ ብዘየግድስ፡ ኣብ ማእከል እቲ ምይይጥ ዝገበሮም ዝነበሩ ሓጸርቲ መዯረታት ኩሎም ነጥቢ ዝሃርሙ (ካብ ኣረስቲ ዘይወጹ) ነይሮም ጥራሕ ዘይኮኑስ፡ ንቕድሚት ዝጠመቱ ኢዮም’ውን ነይሮም። ከምዚ ማለትይ ካኣ፡ ከም ባዓል ክብሮም ዝኣመስሉ ሰባት ኣብ ከምዚ ዝኣመሰሉ ናይ ህዝቢ መጋባእያታት፡ ብዙሕ ንክዛረቡ ዕድል እንትዝረኹብ ከመይ ንማሓረ ኢየ ዝብል ዘለኹ።
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New wave of hope for Eritrean politics and path to reinstating the nation. Thanks Beyan as usual for articulating the events.
New wave of hope for Eritrean politics and path to reinstating the nation. Thanks Beyan as usual for articulating the events.